Civil Society: Challenging Western Models (European Association of Social Anthropologists)
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Between kinship ties on the one hand and the state on the other, human beings experience a diversity of social relationships and groupings which in modern western thought have come to be gathered under the label 'civil society'. A liberal-individualist model of civil society has become fashionable in recent years, but what can such a term mean in the late twentieth century?
Civil Society argues that civil society should not be studied as a separate, 'private' realm clearly separated in opposition to the state; nor should it be confined to the institutions of the 'voluntary' or 'non-governmental' sector. A broader understanding of civil society involves the investigation of everyday social practices, often elusive power relations and the shared moralities that hold communities together. By drawing on case materials from a range of contemporary societies, including the US, Britain, four of the former Communist countries of Eastern Europe, Turkey and the Middle and Far East, Civil Society demonstrates what anthropology contributes to debates taking place throughout the social sciences; adding up to an exciting renewal of the agenda for political anthropology.
entrepreneurship as a primary strategy to increase popular participation (Healey and Robinson 1992). Experiences in East Asia have shown that a critical mass of outward-looking entrepreneurial people can play an important role as a partner in institutional arrangements and as a proponent of interests and ideas in policy-making. Other potential advantages of promoting widespread entrepreneurship for Indonesia are the possibility of industrial and economic restructuring and a way out of the
leadership (Liddle 1992; Syamsuddin 1993). The New Order regime appears less sure of this, and continues to be concerned with matters of internal security. In the Indonesian context, the security approach refers to the prevention of expressions of extreme political or religious viewpoints which might disrupt national stability. Security is also at stake when the ideological foundations of the nation or the authority of the president are challenged. Public protest by citizens who are increasingly
relationship between a member and the ward is contractual, or that a member must give particular things in order to belong. In fact, in her first ‘function’, she explicitly says the opposite. She quotes Robert Frost: Home is the place where, when you have to go there They have to take you in. I should have called it Something you somehow haven’t to deserve (Robert Frost, cited in Pearce 1993:79) She goes on to say, ‘A ward is something you somehow haven’t to deserve’, and to equate the ward also
out for material gain, or are simply naive. While it is not my impression that Albanians are inherently manipulative, ‘playing along with the western representative’ is an assumption that many Albanians make about each other. They often insist on this aspect when they tell western NGO donors ‘how things really work’, or about ‘the Albanian mentality’. The suspicion of collaboration that is associated with this mentality seems to be based upon a division of the world into friends and enemies, such
Syria, Hama had been the seat of strong Muslim organisations. Opposition to state control and allegiance to Muslim values were fused. For decades, female veiling in Hama had been on a scale and intensity not found in other Syrian towns. Even Christian families in Hama veiled their women, as did families with allegiance to the Syrian Communist Party! In Syria, opposition to the Ba’th Party’s economic policies has often emanated from traders. The bazaar quarters are usually closed and dark, and